The function of expert evidence in differentiating real from fabricated sexual
abuse claims.
Introduction
Part I The problem
There had been an unprecedented increase in cases where children, sometimes as
adults, charge parents and others with sexual abuse. Rumour has it that
the District court is full of sex cases and this remains unresearched. It
is a situation of extraordinary gravity as I can see families being destroyed
by allegations. The consensus among experienced practitioners is
that there is a new phenomenon, a moral panic.[1]
In my practice, a week never passes without a matter connected to the issue of
inappropriate sexual contact arises in harassment, custody and criminal
injuries. The cases to which I refer are not those where a rape or assault took
place and was investigated then and there while physical evidence was still
present. These sexual contacts are alleged to have taken place months or
years before. The new cases, their accusers and their families are
very different in their presentation, behaviour and attitudes from victims and
perpetrators of child sexual abuse whom I assessed thirty years ago.
Whether or not sex abuse had occurred was not an issue for expert advice until
serious doubts were raised about the numerous cases have demanded expertise
beyond that provided by lawyers who defend cases. Common knowledge on
which juries rely depends on untested belief. Expert knowledge comes from
scientific research.
The Recovery Paradigm
This increase in child abuse allegations has been causally linked to a
paradigmatic set of beliefs, acceptance of a syndrome, that inappropriate
sexual contact inevitably causes harm. By corollary, if this is the case,
the argument runs that disturbances in adult life can and should be traced back
to abuse. This notion finds support among disturbed persons whose
therapists, promote and share their beliefs, citing 'clinical experience' as
evidence for this being the case. They argue that the patient often does not
know of such abuse because it is repressed. Therapy that can release that
repressed memory will be long and costly. Recalling will lead to
recovery. Those of us who subscribe to any past life therapies, on which
psychoanalysis is one, are unaware that without physical evidence, one
cannot argue from effect to cause.
The social movement associated with 'Recovery' is said to have has created the
greatest moral panic since Salem.[2]
It claims that sexual abuse constitutes a major and ubiquitous evil in society
and must at all costs be rooted out. Australia is affected to a
lesser degree than the United States. They got the Puritans and we got
the convicts and we thank God for that.
The origin of this notion can be been traced back to the work of F Schreiber,
alias 'Cornelia Wilbur,' the psychiatrist whose work resulted in the book
and film, Sibyl. Its influence has been profound in spite of the fact that
Wilbur's patient repudiated this work both privately and publicly and accused
Wilbur of making it up for commercial reasons.[3]
During the development of his talking therapy, Freud said that almost all of his
adult female patients told him of abuse by their fathers.[4]
For a while, believed that infantile seduction, in current terminology, child
molesting was the cause of their ailments then collectively known as
hysteria. His colleagues were appalled at the preposterous nature of this
claim. Freud came to recognise his role in generating these fantasies and
retracted. Jeffrey Masson, in his book 'Assault on Truth' denounced
him, claiming that Freud recanted to protect his friend Fleiss, at that time
the recipient of an embarrassing sexualised transference from a patient.[5]
Some well placed but ideologically driven feminists believe that Masson is
right and that Freud was wrong in deciding not to accept at face value the
complaints of his women patients against their fathers.
The Recovery movement's three seminal texts, are Herman's 'Trauma and
Recovery'[6] Terr's dramatic
Unchained Memories'[7] and 'The
Courage to Heal',
The attraction of the 'Recovery' paradigm is its explanatory power and this is
all laid out in 'Courage to Heal' a million copy best seller by Ellen Bass and
Laura Davis, a journalist and as self-styled survivor.[8]
All problems of living, all the clinical phenomena associated with borderline
personality disorder and other forms of unhappiness are attributed to having
been sexually abused and if you cannot remember, it is because you have
repressed it and you must uncover the memories. Several million patients
and their families are devastated by the consequences of recovered memory
therapists, who have themselves become the targets of lawsuits.
Much of the debate is ideologically driven with therapeutic empires research
grants and fame at issue. The issue has provided an impetus for research
into the science of memory, an area previously in the taken-for-granted sphere
of common knowledge. As knowledge about memory and about abuse and
its effects grows, expert advice comes to be needed to correct commonplace but
mistaken beliefs.
Critics of the repression/recovery paradigm, Loftus,[9]
Ofshe[10], Crews[11]
and social critic Mark Prendergrast[12]
call its assumptions into question. They argue that its conclusions are drawn
from 'clinical experience' and so are dangerous, biased and contaminated.
They point out that before anyone can draw conclusions about the effects of
abuse, the question of whether or not it really occurred must first be
answered. They point out that sexual abuse is ill defined and can range
from fondling to brutal rape while incorporating consensual but illegal
contact.[13] They argue
that no experiment can be devised that will differentiate repression, a
phenomenon for which there is no evidence, from common or garden
forgetting. To advise that recalling help assumes the existence of
repression.
The literature that links reports of 'sexual abuse' to present difficulties is
underpinned by the ideologically-driven belief is that what the patients calls
her memory should not be questioned. They point out that there is no
research paper which has linked the development of abnormal personalities
solely to demonstrated child sexual abuse. Studies of sexually abused
children cannot differentiate the effects of sexual abuse from physical and
emotional abuse which generally accompanies it.[14]
The controversy is played out in the New York Review of Books, in learned texts,
legal and clinical journals, on the internet and court rooms.
Part II
A brief overview of academic memory research that this epidemic has spawned
leads me to suggest that every jury a judge needs to get expert advice on the
reliability of recall in situations where uncorroborated events in the past are
at issue. A systematic forensic evaluation is provides a framework in
which truth and falsehood might be debated, identified or substantiated.
Evidence for the truth or falsehood of the beliefs lies in their plausibility,
their birth and the reasons for their existence the context in which they were
developed and disclosed and their developmental history. One cannot ever
know what transpired between two individuals a long time ago. However one
can often sure that events did not occur as described, because those events
would have had high visibility and serious consequences.
Some of the validating and negating judgements have been minutely researched,
others are a matter of opinion but most are common sense. Imagine if your
sister or daughter suddenly disclosed an inappropriate sexual relationship with
your best friend and it was to be denied. The absence of evidence in such
cases is as important as supporting evidence in others. All data
collected are taken in context with each other. Data includes the
genesis, growth, content and disclosure of the allegations, as well as the
personalities, characteristics and motives of the alleged perpetrators, child
and adult victims and the accusers.
There is no single piece of information that is pathognomonic of child abuse.
Confessions have been retracted and have been proved to be false. A
discontinuous recovered memory is not inevitably false. The incredible is
likely untrue. Allegations that are preposterous will be found to be so on many
criteria. It is unsafe for an expert to leave recognising the
preposterous to judge or a jury. Juries also fail to recognise that
which the psychiatrist sees as manifest hysteria as lay views of hysteria
differ from the experts' definition. While a psychiatrist may recognise
hysteria by its form, he or she must also submit the proof of the falsehood of
hysteria to a court.
First I construct a scale, a semantic differential on the axis of
undeniable
possible
equivocal
improbable untrue and preposterous. Then each piece of information
is located on this axis.
A psychiatrist can identify a belief as delusional if it is bizarre, its content
preposterous, ludicrous. So are X files, yet their contents are accepted by
believers of the preposterous who constitute a jury.
When one is interviewing, it is unwise to receive information in any way but in
a deadpan manner. The liar is searching the face of the examiner for
evidence of disbelief. The liar is unlikely to see a physician as trying to
differentiate between a mistake a lie, a delusion and an hysterical
belief. The liar is less likely to trust the interviewer than
a mistaken person who believes what she is saying.
What is 'remembered'?
The goal is to identify and categorise that which the subject calls a memory and
to know something of its nature. Much of what passes for memory is
not that at all. Memory might be true and false, accurate and inaccurate,
corroborated and unsupported, continuous and discontinuous, accurate an
inaccurate. 'Memories' can be reconstructions, delusions, or the content
of dreams, or of a mystical experience. They can be beliefs based on
information from another, elaborations engendered by therapeutic processes or
in a trance, oedipal fantasies, plausible explanations, recovered memories,
false memories, hysterical beliefs,[15]
borrowed scenarios from films and books, dreams and nightmares, unverified
conclusions achieved by short-circuiting in panic situations, hysterical shared
beliefs, such as having been involved in satanic abuse.[16]
or lies.
None of them is true, but by the same token, very little of it is a lie.
If there is a variety of psychological explanations for untruths, then the jury
should know about the possibilities. If they are not untruths
recognisable as such to the teller, then the jury should certainly be told that
the teller possibly believes that she is telling the truth.
Out of the above spectrum of false beliefs only lies are not in the psychiatric
spectrum. It might be the province of a jury to decide between true or
false, and it will do it on its own criteria. An expert's advice will
alter the odds offering a number of explanations beyond the truth or lie
option.
Expert advice on the characteristics of memory
The characteristics of memory and recall are not common knowledge.
Recent memory research demonstrates that normal and well-motivated volunteer
subjects are unable to differentiate real events from their childhood from
false, deliberately implanted chronicles.[17]
Expert knowledge of memory is not good. For example, one study revealed
that twenty-five per cent of graduate therapists believe that all forgotten
memories are still stored and subject to retrieval. Experimental evidence
is to the contrary. Studies of hypnotism, trance-mediumship, multiple
personality, hysteria, brain disorders, epilepsy and psychosis reveal that
memory associated with these states is qualitatively different from that found
in laboratory studies of healthy individuals.[18]
Poorly trained sexual abuse workers who do not have a basic grounding in current
research on memory are employed by government-funded heath care institutions
and this lends them the authority of the government which funds their
work. Twenty-five per cent of graduate therapists believe that all
forgotten events are still stored and can be retrieved. All of them genuinely
believe in what they are doing so they are less reprehensible but more
dangerous.
Hysteria, is something that a layman can understand only on a two
dimensional axis, true or false, organic or malingered. The motive of
malice is easily understood but hard to demonstrate; the most common reason for
adopting false beliefs is that they explain everything. This attraction is
obscure, especially when such beliefs lead to massive losses, of freedom, of
family. So did the beliefs of Christian martyrs.
A belief that one has been sexually abused is very often delusional and it can
be held with delusional intensity. A psychiatrist might recognise
characteristics of delusions beyond their falsehood, its inclusion among other
bizarre beliefs or in schizophrenia. Delusions that manifest in
borderline personality disorder can be transient and elusive. A delusion
might coincidentally be true, but nonetheless delusional in the way that it was
acquired and held.
The ability to recognise a delusion is the agreed-on province of an expert, but
non-bizarre delusional beliefs are routinely accepted by laymen. Areas of
inquiry include: Does the belief come in the company of many supporting beliefs
and statements? Is the accuser arguing from effect to cause to support
it? This is very dangerous indeed and also very informative. Did it
arise in the context of a mental disorder? Was it preceded by a
perplexity, by a delusional mood or an autochthonous experience? Was it
at this or any other time the major and exclusive preoccupation of the
believer? Is it shared, by whom, from what time and under what
circumstances did the sharer adopt it? How did it come to be
shared?
Hysterical beliefs share some of the qualities of a delusion In his classic
text, Theory of Collective Behaviour,[19]
Smelser defined an hysterical belief as 'one that attributes to an ambiguous
element in the environment the power to threaten and destroy.'
There are unverified beliefs about concern the ability of inappropriate sexual
touching of children that fit into that category: unverified.
Hysterical beliefs are the driving force behind collective action such as
occurs in moral panics. This preoccupation with child sexual abuse has
all the characteristics of a moral panic.[20]
Hysterical beliefs are shared and come about by short circuiting of
reason in a panic.
The content of the allegations
What is plausible to one person might well be preposterous to another. The
knowledge of a jury about the nature of the human body, the consequences of
rape, sodomy on small children, the behaviour of profoundly abused children,
seems to be inadequate. For example: 'My father sodomised me in the bathroom
every week from when I was three' is not a statement that I would believe from
a person with no medical or surgical history. Many others have. Nor
did I believe the adult who accused her father of raping her some five
times a week for three years from when she was eight, but so secretly and
efficiently that not one in her family of six ever came upon them in
action. The jury put the father away. Family photographs revealed a
loving close family as did friends.
If someone has detailed recall of events that took place before the age of three
or four, it is improbable. A Hollywood presentation refers to a film scripted
scenario with details of costume and furniture. I have no more than
single scene memories form those ages.
A young woman told me that her mother and father tied her to a four poster bed
and regularly raped her with a double edged knife. I found it implausible
as no doctor had ever needed to attend and, to explain that, she alleged that
her bewildered mother colluded. No one else knew, not her friends, her
doctor her school. The corroborating 'medical' evidence cited in
this case was that the woman had refused to allow vaginal examination and this
was further proof of her having been sexually assaulted in early
childhood. The jury bought it and her father went to jail for
eleven years, her mother was also punished. There was heavy media
involvement and she became a cause celebre of the local feminist lesbian group.
One would imagine that a case where perpetrators had confessed and were willing
to plead guilty would mean that they were guilty. Yet false confessions
are not rare and the most famous case that of Richard Ingram written up by
Lawrence Wright initially in the New Yorker and later as "Remembering Satan.'[21]
It was a case of a small religion-obsessed town in the United States where a
whole tribe of children and alleged perpetuators confessed to years of ritual
satanic abuse. Indeed one went to jail until the verdict could be
reversed. The case was deconstructed and invalidated by Richard Ofshe,
the cult-busting psychologist called in to assist the prosecutor. Ofshe
found that he was able to cause all parties to recall memories of entirely
fabricated events which he suggested to them. He uncovered an
hysteria reminiscent of the grand confessions of medieval witches to equally
improbable events. A review of this case suggests that if these criteria
for evaluation had been applied then the memories of abuse might have been
deemed improbable to impossible on a number of counts. Prosecutors rarely
call in experts who are unlikely to assist them. Richard Ingram learnt
later to distinguish his fabricated beliefs from genuine memories having been
unable to do so for many years and that required specialised
psychotherapy.
The social context of the disclosure
Disclosure is triggered by events and circumstances. True disclosures can
be triggered in small children by a television program and educational sessions
which raise the awareness of all children to 'stranger danger' and the privacy
of their bodies. Other 'memories' emerge in the course of other stimuli,
a report of huge compensation payment, a conversation about a case, seeing a
film, a family fight. I have twice seen a memory surge in police
undergoing training in child abuse matters. In one case it was true the
perpetrator confessed, in the other, the family was entirely dazed and there
was not only no corroboration. Further negative evidence was uncovered
but the jury put father away. The victim's compensation tribunal had
given her forty thousand dollars .
How were these allegations were disclosed
I argue that memories are even more liable to become contaminated, confused and
mistaken than tissue samples in their travels from a crime scene to a
laboratory and back to court. I want to know to whom was the disclosure
first made and with whom else it was I discussed? Accusations may be
preceded by family discussions or therapy. One needs information to trace
escalation. The manner, time and context of 'recovery' of memory recovery is of
crucial interest. My patients tell me that their sex abuse therapists have
helped them remember lots more. This poorly based therapy will cost their
employers, the State Governments, millions in compensation if Australia follows
the lead of the United States in this kind of litigation..
Most people do not routinely distinguish between that information which they
have obtained from observation from that gleaned from other sources. A
group discussing rumours and hearsay, without malice or intent contaminates
evidence. It is the expert's task to discover this.
False allegations of sexual abuse frequently emerge in custody litigation.
Estimates of validity are as low as twenty percent. In family court
matters, if one is called for the child, it might be possible to interview the
alleged victim, the accuser, to sight disclosure documents and to see the
alleged perpetrator as well and observe interactions between that person and
the allegedly abused child. If one parent calls you, it will come as no
surprise that the other sees you as biased. However this does not
preclude the possibility that both might co-operate. They all cooperate
at their own risk, as some more willing than others to go for what they see as
a lie detector test.
An episode of mental illness can be the vector of sudden recall as can therapy
of various types, flotation tank therapy, hypnotherapy as well as the
more all past life therapies, from psychoanalysis to counselling and the
now notorious 'disclosure therapy' and . 'Survivors of incest' groups
generate memories in persons who formerly only suspected themselves to have
been victims.
I have seen a full blown delusional mood and autochthonous experience precede
the sudden crystallisation of a belief which, on all criteria, fitted the
description of a delusion. The young woman suddenly became flooded by
never before considered memories of rape in her infancy. She was taken
screaming to a psychiatric unit where delayed post traumatic stress disorder
was diagnosed and the psychosis evaded discovery.
Well documented cases have occurred during police interrogations, just like
other false confessions and certain fundamental Christian prayer meetings
associated with the speaking of tongues and fear of the devil have generated
cases. Religious hysteria can accompany sexual hysteria as it did in the
Middle Ages.
Sudden revelations go into the improbable category still to be evaluated on
other protocols. There is one well documented report of a dream bringing
back a true memory of a sexual relationship undertaken before puberty with a
camp supervisor who freely admitted that it had happened. Dream origins
are, in general, suspect.
Recent confessions by teaching priests of having abused large numbers of
children generated a great number of 'me too' claims for compensation by well
put together and successful young men who had not given the priest's fondling a
second thought since they left primary school. They have claimed to have
a total preoccupation with these matters since. The police advised them
of the offending priest's confession and told them to seek legal action.
A large proportion had gone to sex abuse counsellors after they were advised to
claim and their familiarity with the jargon of post-traumatic stress disorder
and Courage to Heal left me with no doubt of the extent to which unacknowledged
coaching had taken place. They seemed to believe what they were saying.
Some well meaning experts seem to believe that total preoccupation with the
stressor is an indicator of post traumatic stress disorder, automatically
compensable. It is well to remember that traumatic events are not easily
discussed. Those who have experienced trauma will go to great lengths to
avoid memories of it. The person who is intensely preoccupied with a
stressor is probably experiencing litigation anxiety. Each occurs at its
worst, nearest its cause and tends towards recovery unless inept therapy
intervenes and prolongs it. The expert or counsellor who cites Judith
Herman is likely to be ideologically driven.
Evidence from other sources
School records can be consulted as well as medical records and hospital records,
especially where abortions were claimed to have been carried out.
Prior sexual history cannot be raised in NSW courts. The defence can
find it hard to get therapy reports where the evidentiary gold dust is
located. This material can provide evidence of escalation of claims, of
impossible scenarios, of the sudden and bizarre onset of memories, of their
characteristics and impossibly detailed recall, all of which would enable the
expert to understand the kind of mental phenomenon which was involved in the
generation of the beliefs involved. The government has loaded the dice by
excluding certain evidence at law.
Corroborating evidence that something occurred
Given the explanatory power of the abuse excuse, one cannot rely on the fact
that a number of complainants are saying the same thing about a person.
One needs to have a good knowledge of friendship and communication networks.[22]
Interviewing the alleged child victim
Expert medical evidence in identifying sexually abused young and
inarticulate children has been historically disastrous, involving anal reflexes
and 'disclosure therapy.'
One would question the litany of abuse, the borrowed scenario abuse, invoking
'the truth,' elaboration, changes over the time frames, variances and
inconsistencies, accompanying affective states affect such as withdrawal,
compliance and depression. One would look for evidence of concurrent
distress in the form of psychosomatic disorders, fears tension, anxiety sleep
disturbances bed wetting, antisocial behaviour, school performance and
attendance problems, running away from home, psychopathology, preoccupation and
specific dreams, dissociation sexual attitudes, stigmatisation, threats and
bribes, attention seeking, shame, guilt, advanced sexual knowledge,
identification with the aggressor, seductiveness, pseudo maturity
The personality structure of the adult accuser-victim
Virtually every borderline patient I see in the late 1990s makes a complaint of
sexual abuse. If their therapists believe them then clinical experience
is a dangerous teacher. Borderline psychopathology is rarely recognised
by laymen as young and attractive women make appearances on television or in
the witness box and present as somehow appealing, perhaps more to men than to
women. Borderline psychopathology, formerly called 'malignant
hysteria, features heavily in the literature of sexual abuse. This can be
diagnosed on behavioural criteria and its characteristics include brief
psychotic episodes and perceptual distortions.
The view that borderline personality disorder is the products of sexual and
physical abuse in childhood emerged from psychoanalysts and therapists of other
persuasions who saw these people frequently for therapy. It is based on
clinical experience and is not confirmed by scientific studies.
The accuser
This is often a mother with a history of having been abused herself, one that
might need evaluation. It is from the accuser that we can learn of exposure to
suggestive material, of her capacity to believe and select the preposterous,
her participation in survivor groups and her motives.
Not all borderlines are malignant. Greed and spite and fantasy
production can be part of the everyday lives and can be uncovered by a protocol
of questions. There are also fantasists, 'Me too' claimants, groups of
hysterical females and mentally retarded persons who raise allegations. Those
with empty lives who comprise the Munchausen and, increasingly, the Munchausen
by Proxy perpetrators want a ticket for endless sex abuse therapy in the way
that empty, rich and lonely people enjoyed psychoanalysis, a relationship with
a surrogate friend.
Evaluation of the accused male
The most common response is denial and it means little unless supported by other
negative evidence. Bewilderment is different from denial and may result
in soul searching and false confession. "My daughter would not lie, if
she says this, I must have done something wrong. Such confessions are
typically retracted. sometimes the accused is a known paedophile or has a
history of emotional deprivation, intellectual impairment, childhood history of
sex abuse, abnormally high urges, impulsivity and narcissism, that is
entitlement. Coercive dominating behaviour can be evident as might
passivity, substance abuse, poor judgement, impaired sexual interest in age
appropriate women and the presence of other deviations, psychosis, immaturity,
possession of pornography, career choice and recent rejections. These
characteristics would encourage a prosecutor and might disqualify a
custody-seeker. Their absence is also of significance in the whole
picture.
The explanatory value of the belief
A false belief might have adverse consequences such as going to jail but this
does not influence its holder to let it go. This relates to the
explanatory values of that belief. A false confession gives temporary or
permanent explanation as to why one might be here being questioned by all these
police and authorities and why one is in prison. Students of victimology
know about induced guilt.
The financial value of the belief
I have seen an accuser get $40,000 from the Victims Compensation Tribunal even
before she brought her father to court. In my view, she was not a
disinterested witness. She had spent the money. Yet no caveat was
issued to the jury and the judge did not know, nor apparently di the
prosecutor. She had undergone sex abuse therapy with counsellor to whom
she had given information to the effect that her father had already been
convicted. The compensation tribunals have no idea what powerful legitimators
of belief they are, so informing a jury that compensation has already been
given to an accuser is a double edged sword
In rich families, sex abuse claims provide a means of redistribution of an
inheritance to a pariah who would not have achieved it otherwise. .
A recent case in the High Court allows for a situation where an expert can bring
certain aspects of a complainant's psychopathology to the attention of a jury
if it impinges on reliability beyond common knowledge.[23]
Changes to the Evidence Act allow experts to express an view on the ultimate
issue. Never has the expert wielded such power and had so little
responsibility and so few checks and balances. Expert evidence is out of
control, subverting justice, creating victims and passing off unresearched
theories as facts on gullible judges and juries. It is time that
the courts demanded more from expert evidence, and demanded that witnesses made
available their sources of knowledge, the basis on which their views are
formed.
[1]
Gardner R A. Protocols for the Sex abuse Evaluation. New Jersey: Creative
Therapeutics, 1995
[2]
Gardner RA. Protocols for the Sex abuse Evaluation. New Jersey: Creative
Therapeutics, 1995
[3]
Schrieber F. Sibyl. Chicago: Henry Regnery, 1973 cited and explicated in
Wassil-Grimm C. Diagnosis for Disaster. Woodstock New York: The Overlook Press,
1995, 176-177.
[4]
Schimek JG. Fact and Fantasy in the Seduction Theory: A Historical Review.
Journal of the American Psychoanalytic Association 1987;35:937-965.
[5]
Masson JM. Assault on Truth: Freud's Suppression of the Seduction Theory.
Penguin Books, 1984
[6]
Herman J. Trauma and Recovery. New York: Basic Books, 1992
[7]
Terr LC. Unchained Memories. New York: HarperCollins, 1994
[8]
Bass E, Davis L. The Courage to Heal. New York: Harper & Row,
1988
[9]
Loftus E. Creating False Memories. Scientific American 1997;2(77(3)):50-55.
[10]
Ofshe R, Watters E. Making Monsters. Berkeley, Los Angeles: University of
California Press, 1994
[11]
Crews F. The Memory Wars: Freud's Legacy in Dispute. New York: A New York
Review Book, 1995
[12]
Prendergrast M. Victims of Memory: Sex Abuse Allegations and Shattered
Lives. Hinesberg Vermont: Upper Access, 1995
[13]
Pope HGJ, Hudson JI. Can Memories of Childhood Sexual Abuse be Repressed?
Psychological Medicine 1995;25(1):121-126.
[14]
Romans S, Martin J, Anderson J, O'Shea M, Mullen P. Factors that Mediate
Between Child Sexual Abuse and Adult Outcome. Psychological Medicine
1995;25(1):127-142.
[15]
Smelser NJ. Theory of Collective Behaviour. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul,
1970.
[16]
Wright L. Remembering Satan. New York: Alfred A Knopf, 1994
[17]
Loftus E. Creating False Memories. Scientific American 1997;2(77(3)):50-55.
[18]
Erdelyhi M H. The Recovery of Unconscious Memories: Hypermnesia and
Reminiscence. Chicago London: The University of Chicago Press, 1996
[19]
Smelser NJ. Theory of Collective Behaviour. London: Routledge & Kegan
Paul, 1970
[20]
Goode E, Ben-Yahuda N. Moral Panics. Oxford & Cambridge: Blackwell, 1994
[21]
Wright L. Remembering Satan. New York: Alfred A Knopf, 1994
[22]
Kerckhoff AC, Back KW. The June Bug: A study in hysterical contagion. New York:
Appleton Century Crofts, 1968
[23]
Farrell v The Queen. High Court of Australia. August 1998 HCA
50.
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